Dr. David Kesterson, Provost and Professor of English, University of North Texas(photography by Lou Procopio)
If one didn't know better, it would
appear that on the surface Nathaniel Hawthorne and Herman Melville
had little in common. Hawthorne was born a New Englander, in Salem,
Mass., in 1804. Melville, though his family hailed from Boston, was
born in 1819 in New York City and spent his youth there until he went
to sea at age 20. Thus Hawthorne was some fifteen years Melville's
senior. Further, until 1850 Hawthorne was known as a writer of short
stories and sketches (a fact that by mid century he was somewhat
apologetic for), whereas by 1850 Melville had already written four
novels, three of which were quite popular.
A closer look, however, shows a
remarkable kinship between the two men in many ways. Both writers
lost their fathers at an early age: Hawthorne at four, Melville at
thirteen. (Hawthorne's father, a sea captain, was lost at sea;
Melville's died of a devastating illness).
Thus each was denied a father for a
goodly part of his youth. Fortunately for Hawthorne, he had his
Uncles, Robert and Richard Manning, as father surrogates; but
Melville really had none, a fact that figures strongly in his
ubiquitous search in life and fiction for a father figure and answers
part of the riddle of his attraction to the elder Hawthorne when they
later met when Melville was thirty-one, Hawthorne forty-six. Both men
had a love for the sea. Melville, of course, went to sea as a young
man; Hawthorne lived near it as often as he could, even longed to go
to sea as a youth, and enjoyed trips to Martha's Vineyard and other
coastal areas. As a young writer Hawthorne even projected a
collection of sea stories, which however didn't materialize, although
the sketch "The Wives of the Dead" is surely a
representative survival of that plan.
For some fifteen months in the prime of
their authorhood, the two men lived some six miles apart in the
Berkshires of Western Massachusetts, Hawthorne at Lenox, Melville at
Pittsfield, and often visited (more later on this). Both men worked
in customs houses at different times in their lives: Hawthorne at the
Boston Custom House, where he was Measurer of Salt and Coal, and
later of course at the Salem Custom House, from 1846-49, where he
served as Surveyor. Melville, after his white heat period of novel
writing ended, became District Inspector of Customs in New York in
1863, a post he would hold for nineteen years!
The major writings of Hawthorne and
Melville cohere around the year 1850, with the five greatest
books-The Scarlet Letter, The House of the Seven Gables,
Moby-Dick, The Blithedale Romance, and Pierre-being
written in the same two-year period, from 1850-1852. In fact, The
Blithedale Romance and Pierre were written at the same
time, while the two acknowledged masterpieces, The Scarlet Letter
and Moby-Dick were published only a year apart, in 1850 and
1851 respectively. Further, as we know, Melville dedicated Moby-Dick
to Hawthorne. Thus indeed we have two writers who, despite widely
varying backgrounds, had much in common in a number of ways. While it
might seem improbable that the reserved, somewhat reclusive
Hawthorne, and the much bolder, out-going Melville would end up being
friends, even confidants for a period, that is exactly what happened
in one of the most fascinating personal interludes in American
literary history. Let's look first at the facts of their
Biographical Mosses and
The two authors met for the first time
on August 5, 1850, in the Berkshires, where Hawthorne was living in
the "Little Red Farmhouse" at Lenox and Melville was
staying at his aunt's house in nearby Pittsfield. A few days earlier
Evert Duyckinck and Cornelius Mathews, who were coming to visit
Melville, met Dudley Field on the train and the group planned a
picnic for August 5. In the meantime on August 4, Hawthorne and wife
Sophia dined at Pittsfield with James T. Fields and his wife and also
visited Oliver Wendell Holmes. What resulted from these gatherings of
notables was a group excursion picnic to Monument Mountain at
Stockbridge, Mass., on the 5th, followed by a dinner at
Dudley Field's home. The climb up Monument Mountain was, to say the
least, a colorful progression, as described by Evert Duyckinck:
As we scrambled over the rocks at the
summit . . . a black thunder cloud from the south
dragged its ragged
skirts towards us . . . They talked of shelter and shelter there
proved to be though it looked unpromising . . .Dr. Holmes cut three
branches for an umbrella and uncorked the champagne which was drunk
from a silver mug . . . we scattered over the cliffs, Herman Melville
to seat himself, the boldest of all, astride a projecting bow sprit
of rock while little Dr. Holmes peeped about the cliffs and protested
it affected him like ipecac. Hawthorne looked mildly about for the
great Carbuncle . . . ." [Evert Duyckinck to his wife, Aug
6-Leyda, Melville Log,
James T. Fields described Melville
sitting on the projecting rock and pulling and hauling "imaginary
ropes for our delectation." Hawthorne, Fields says, "was
among the most enterprising of the merrymakers; @. he ventured to
call out lustily and pretend that certain destruction was inevitable
to all of us." [James T. Fields, Yesterdays
With Authors, Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1886, 53].
After descending the mountain, the
group moved to the nearby Ice Glen in the afternoon where they
skidded about like children. This excursion was to prompt a series of
meetings between Hawthorne and Melville in the Berkshires. In fact,
two days later Melville, along with Mathews and Duyckinck, called at
the little red house and Hawthorne gave them two bottles of champagne
and walked to the lake with them (H.
Am. NB, 295). On the same day, Hawthorne wrote his friend
Horatio Bridge, "I met Melville, the other day, and liked him so
much that I have asked him to spend a few days with me before leaving
these parts." (H Letters,
Aug 7, 1850, XVI, 355). We know that this visit took place from
September 3-7, 1850.
However much Hawthorne seemed to be
enjoying his newly made acquaintance, the response at the other end
was nothing short of jubilant! Melville was ecstatic over his growing
friendship with Hawthorne, and there is no doubt but that Hawthorne's
being in Lenox was the reason that Melville orchestrated a move from
New York to Pittsfield, settling in the farmhouse that he was to name
Arrowhead (which he purchased on September 14, 1850). As Arlin Turner
has pointed out, Melville realized that, given Hawthorne's reticence
and sometime cloistered mode of living, he, Melville, "was the
suitor, and that he was the one who needed the other more and had
more to gain." (Turner, NH,
What appeared in print in August 1851
was not only a further cementing of the Hawthorne-Melville
relationship, but was one of the hallmark occurrences in American
literature. For in two installments on August 17 and 24 in
Duyckinck's Literary World
appeared an exuberant, praiseful review of Hawthorne's book of
stories and sketches, Mosses from an Old Manse, entitled
"Hawthorne and His Mosses, By a Virginian Spending July in
Vermont." We know, of course, that the author of the review was
neither Virginian nor spending July in Vermont. The Virginian in
disguise was Herman Melville, and he was writing a review of
Hawthorne's collection of 1846 that had been in circulation for four
years, but that Melville had only recently partaken of fully and with
a renewed enthusiasm. [However, actually it was not Melville's first
reading of Hawthorne. As Edwin Haviland Miller points out, in White
Jacket-written in late spring and early summer 1849 and published
in spring of 1850-- Melville alludes to the sketch "A Rill from
the Town Pump": "And would that my fine countryman,
Hawthorne of Salem, had but served on board a man-of-war in his time,
that he might give us the reading of a 'rill' from the Scuttle-butt"
(Miller, M, 174)].
The Hawthornes found out the identity of the "Virginian" in
early September during Melville's above-mentioned visit.
For a good year after August 1850 there
were periodic visits and letters between Hawthorne and Melville.
While Melville was obviously the more ardent catalyst in the
friendship, Hawthorne was not without his liking for and admiration
of the younger Melville. For example in a passage in his American
Notebooks for August 1, 1851, Hawthorne writes of returning home from
the post office with son Julian, and while they sit in a field by the
roadside reading their letters, Melville rides by and salutes them in
Spanish. Hawthorne is glad to see Melville as we can tell from his
language: "... it's Melville!" [note exclamation mark].
"Julian and I hastened to the road, where ensued a greeting, and
we all went homeward together, talking as we went" (Am
NB, 447). Back at the Hawthornes' little red farmhouse,
after supper and with Julian put to bed, Hawthorne writes that
"Melville and I had a talk about time and eternity, things of
this world and of the next, and books, and publishers, and all
possible and impossible matters, that lasted pretty deep into the
night. . . (Am NB,
447). Some of the letters between Hawthorne and Melville are on more
pedestrian matters, but they exhibit a genuine friendship between the
two men. On March 27, 1851, for example, Hawthorne writes Melville to
ask if he will inquire at the railroad depot or express office about
a box that Hawthorne is expecting from Boston that is supposedly
delayed at Pittsfield. He also wishes that Melville would buy the
Hawthornes a kitchen clock, especially a wooden one "of
Connecticut manufacture, and excellent time-keepers, at $1.50."
He closes by saying that he and daughter Una have "delightful
reminiscences of our visit to Melville Castle" and they wish
Mrs. Melville and Herman's sisters well (H. Letters,
March 27, 1851, XVI, 412). I will mention other letters that discuss
specific literary works or topics in the next part of this paper.
Suffice it to say for now that the letter writing and friendship
continued throughout the first year and into early fall of 1851,
although the ardor on Hawthorne's part eventually began to cool. As
early as the spring of 1851, some of Sophia Hawthorne's letters
indicate that "Melville's demands might be greater than
Hawthorne would have time or inclination to meet" (Arlin Turner,
NH, 217). Indeed, Melville's last visit to the Hawthornes while in
the Berkshires was on August 30, 1851, the first visit since March.
The zenith of their relationship was reached, however, when Moby-Dick
was published in middle November of 1851 and was dedicated to
Hawthorne. Hawthorne's letter to Melville, like most of those to his
friend, has not been preserved, but Melville's answer on November 17
shows "the reverence and the affection he had for his older
friend in 1850 and 1851" (Turner, NH,
220). Melville speaks of the effect Hawthorne's letter had upon him,
in terms characteristic of his impassioned utterances:
I felt pantheist
then-your heart beat in my ribs and mine in yours, and both in God's.
A sense of unspeakable security is in me this moment, on account of
your having understood the book. . . . Whence come you, Hawthorne? By
what right do you drink from my flagon of life? And when I put it to
my lips-lo, they are yours and not mine. I feel that the Godhead is
broken up like the bread at the Supper, and that we are the pieces.
Hence this infinite fraternity of feeling. . . . [T]he very fingers
that now guide this pen are not precisely the same that just took it
up and put it on this paper. Lord, when shall we be done changing?
Ah! It's a long stage, and no inn in sight, and night coming, and the
body cold. But with you for a passenger, I am content and can be
happy. I shall leave the world, I feel, with more satisfaction for
having come to know you. Knowing you persuades me more than the Bible
of our immortality.
As Turner says in analyzing this
letter, "[Melville] was aware, it can be assumed, of the
inclusiveness and interwoven imagery of his letter, and no less aware
of the meaning behind the imagery. The same awareness can be assumed
on the part of Hawthorne" (NH,
221). Edwin Haviland Miller, who interprets Melville's affection for
Hawthorne as in part sexual, says that in this passage, "the
most ardent and doubtlessly one of the most painful he was ever to
write, he candidly and boldly laid bare his love" (M,
221). Miller goes on to say that "when Hawthorne retreated from
Lenox, he retreated from Melville. How Hawthorne felt his reticences
keep us from knowing, but his friend wrestled with the problems and
nature of the relationship almost until the end of his life"
(221). Turner says only that "there is evidence through the
remaining forty years of Melville's life that he thought he had been
rebuffed by Hawthorne, and that he felt a genuine regret for his
221). Interesting, too, as Turner notes, "the intimately
personal element is absent from Melville's subsequent letters"
Strangely, after November of 1851, just
after the publication of Moby-Dick, the two men would meet
only twice: a year later when Hawthorne was living at the Wayside in
Concord, and five years after that in Liverpool when Hawthorne was U.
S. Consul there. In 1853, however, Hawthorne did try in earnest to
secure a consular appointment for his friend, but was unsuccessful, a
fact that caused Hawthorne to feel somewhat awkward when Melville
called upon him at the Consulate in Liverpool in November of 1856.
However, as Hawthorne writes in his English Notebooks, ". . . we
soon found ourselves on pretty much our former terms of sociability
and confidence" (Eng NB,
162). Hawthorne mentions that Melville had not been well lately, and
that he looks "a little paler, and perhaps a little sadder"
(162). Melville stayed with the Hawthornes at Southport for a few
days (Hawthorne remarking that for luggage Melville had only a little
bundle containing a night-shirt and toothbrush), and during the visit
the two men took a long walk, sat, and smoked cigars among the sand
hills on the coast. Hawthorne describes the famous ensuing
conversation, as follows-confirming Merton Sealts' observation that
"there was no observer who penetrated more deeply than Hawthorne
into Melville's state of mind in the mid-1850's" ("Historical
Note" to The Piazza Tales and Other Prose Pieces, 1839-1860,
Melville, as he
always does, began to reason of Providence and futurity, and of
everything that lies beyond human ken, and informed me that he had
"pretty much made up his mind to be annihilated"; but still
he does not seem to rest in that anticipation; and, I think, will
never rest until he gets hold of a definite belief. It is strange how
he persists-and has persisted ever since I knew him, and probably
long before-in wandering to-and fro over these deserts, as dismal and
monotonous as the sand hills amid which we were sitting. He can
neither believe, nor be comfortable in his unbelief; and he is too
honest and courageous not to try to do one or the other. If he were a
religious man, he would be one of the most truly religious and
reverential; he has a very high and noble nature, and better worth
immortality than most of us (Eng
NB, Vol II, 163).
After that day the two men traveled to
Chester together and explored one of Hawthorne's favorite towns in
England. They parted that evening, but Hawthorne saw Melville again
on Monday and noted that Melville was feeling "much better than
in America" (169). Melville sailed for the Holy Land on Tuesday,
"taking only a carpet-bag to hold all his travelling gear"
instead of the customary trunk, Hawthorne humorously notes (Eng
NB, Vol II, 1760). Interestingly, when Melville came back
by Liverpool on May 4, 1857, and visited Hawthorne, Hawthorne does
not record the one-day visit in his journal. Melville left for home
May 5, and so far as we know, the two friends never saw each other
Melville 's Reviews of
As I said earlier, in that same seminal
August of 1850 when Hawthorne and Melville first met on the trek up
Monument Mountain and a slide through the Ice Glen, Melville
published his two-part review of Mosses from an Old Manse in
World, the piece appearing in the August 17 and 24 issues.
True, the book had been published four years earlier and Melville had
been given a gift copy of it by his Aunt Mary Ann Melville on July
18, 1850 (Parker, HM,
736); but it appeared not too late to Melville to write the review.
What emerged in his review was a major analysis of Hawthorne, of the
state of American writing to date (with a hearty dose of American
literary nationalism tossed in for measure) and of the talents of
Melville himself. But our emphasis here is on Hawthorne. What did
Melville think of Hawthorne as revealed in Mosses?
Melville says in the review that "for
four years the Mosses on the Old Manse never refreshed me with their
perennial green. It may be, however, that all this while the book,
like wine, was only improving in flavor and body" (240). As the
so-called Southerner sojourning in Vermont begins the book "stretched
on that new mown clover, the hill-side breeze blowing over me through
the wide barn-door, and soothed by the hum of the bees in the meadows
around, how magically stole over me this Mossy Man!. . . The soft
ravishments of the man spun me round about in a web of dreams"
(241). He extols Hawthorne's nature and spirit evinced in the tales,
which "argue such a depth of tenderness, such a boundless
sympathy with all forms of being, such an omnipresent love, that we
must needs say that this Hawthorne is here almost alone in his
generation" (242-notice he says "almost alone,"
leaving room for Mellville's own eminence too!). He says that
Hawthorne has "a great, deep intellect, which drops down into
the universe like a plummet" (242). Then Melville moves to the
subject that "so fixes and fascinates" him-the blackness in
Hawthorne (244). "For spite of all the Indian-summer sunlight on
the hither side of Hawthorne's soul, the other side-like the dark
half of the physical sphere-is shrouded in a blackness, ten times
black" (243). Pondering the source of this blackness, Melville
postulates that "this great power of blackness in him derives
its force from its appeal to that Calvinistic sense of Innate
Depravity and Original Sin, from whose visitations, in some shape or
other, no deeply thinking mind is always and wholly free. For, in
certain moods, no man can weigh this world without throwing in
something, somehow like Original Sin, to strike the uneven balance"
(243). It is this very blackness that "furnishes the infinite
obscure of his back-ground,--that back-ground, against which
Shakspeare plays his grandest conceits, the things that have made for
Shakspeare his loftiest but most circumscribed renown, as the
profoundest of thinkers" (244). Melville goes on to compare to
Hawthorne to Shakespeare, saying, "Shakespeare has been
approached." "Now, I do not say that Nathaniel of Salem is
a greater than William of Avon, or as great. But the difference
between the two men is by no means immeasurable. Not a very great
deal more, and Nathaniel were verily William" (245). Fictionally
taking an overnight break before finishing his review, he returns to
it the next morning "charged more and more with love and
admiration of Hawthorne" (250). Then in the famous and
suggestive panegyric, Melville writes that "already I feel that
this Hawthorne has dropped germinous seeds into my soul. He expands
and deepens down, the more I contemplate him; and further and
further, shoots his strong New England roots in the hot soil of my
Southern soul" (250).
A year and a half after writing the
review of Mosses, Melville mentions in a letter to Evert
Duyckinck (12 February 1851) that he has recently read Twice-Told
Tales, having read "but a few of them before." Melville
believes they "exceed the 'Mosses'-they are, I fancy, an earlier
vintage from his vine. Some of those sketches are wonderfully subtle.
Their deeper meanings are worthy of a Brahmin" (M
Corresp, 18l). However, for the first time Melville finds
some failing in Hawthorne's writing: "Still there is something
lacking-a good deal lacking-to the plump sphericity of the man. What
is that?-He does'nt [sic] patronize the butcher-he needs
roast-beef, done rare. - Nevertheless, for one, I regard Hawthorne
(in his books) as evincing a quality of genius, immensely loftier, &
more profound, too, than any other American has shown hitherto in the
printed form. Irving is a grasshopper to him-putting the souls
of the two men together, I mean" (181).
If Melville was supposedly introduced
to the works of Hawthorne via Mosses (though we know that not
to be the case), he was equally impressed with both The House of
the Seven Gables, and The Blithedale Romance, published in
1851 and 1852 respectively, after Melville and Hawthorne had become
acquainted. Hawthorne presented Melville with a personal copy of
Seven Gables when Melville called at the red house in Lenox on
April 11, 1851, and five days later Melville wrote Hawthorne a letter
in the form of a book review. Melville finds that this novel, "for
pleasantness of running interest, surpasses the other works of the
author. The curtains are more drawn; the sun comes in more;
genialities peep out more" (M
Corresp, 185). He recognizes the power in Hawthorne and,
again, the depth and ambiguity, comparing the book to a "fine
old chamber, with comfortable furnishings and good wine and food,
with a "dark little black-letter volume in golden clasps"
in one corner "entitled 'Hawthorne: A Problem'" (185). He
concludes that "There is the grand truth about Nathaniel
Hawthorne. He says NO! in thunder; but the Devil himself cannot make
him say yes" (M
Corresp, 186). As Turner has observed, these words "were
struck from the same mind that at the time was creating Captain Ahab
of the Pequod" (Turner, NH,
217). We shall look further at Hawthorne's influence on Moby-Dick
Of The Blithedale Romance ,
Melville wrote Hawthorne on July 17, 1852, that the "name of
'Hawthorne' seems to be ubiquitous," what with the new book
appearing everywhere and of its being much talked of. To him this is
natural: "Well, the Hawthorne is a sweet flower; may it flourish
in every hedge" (M
Corresp, 230). While Melville has only begun to
read Blithedale, he
deems it sufficient to find that Hawthorne has "most admirably
employed materials which are richer than I had fancied them."
And then, with a comment on the times, he concludes, "Especially
at this day, the volume is welcome, as an antidote to the mooniness
of some dreamers-who are merely dreamers--------Yet, who the devel
aint a dreamer?" (M
Corresp, 231). (Obviously, Melville's sentiments
towards the novel were not the same as those eventually held by its
publishers. James T. Fields, disenchanted with its lack of
popularity, wrote to a friend, "I hope Hawthorne will give us no
more Blithedales" (BR,
Centenary Ed., III, xxii).
Hawthorne's Commentary on
When it comes to Hawthorne's commentary
of Melville's works, the record is much sparser. The older writer's
natural reticence, of course, would have prevented the kind of
effusive remarks characteristic of Melville's responses to
Hawthorne's writings. Further, Hawthorne was more formal and succinct
in his written opinions. Nevertheless, there are a number of
instances where Hawthorne did comment on Melville as writer.
The first was in a review of Typee,
published anonymously in the Salem Advertiser for March 25,
1846. Duyckinck had sent it to Hawthorne for review somewhat
apologetically, referring to the book as "a Frenchy coloured
412). However, Hawthorne liked the book, observing that it "is
lightly but vigorously written; and we are acquainted with no work
that gives a freer and more effective picture of barbarian life, in
that unadulterated state of which there are now so few specimens
XXIII, 235). Of the sensual depiction of Polynesian girls, Hawthorne
admits that they are "voluptuously colored, yet not more so than
the exigencies of the subject appear to require." Moreover, he
points out that Melville has "that freedom of view-it would be
too harsh to call it laxity of principle-which renders him tolerant
of codes of morals that may be little in accordance with our own; a
spirit proper enough to a young and adventurous sailor, and which
makes the book the more wholesome to our staid landsmen"
(235-36). Hawthorne concludes that "the narrative is skillfully
managed, and in a literary point of view, the execution of the work
is worthy of the novelty and interest of its subject" (236).
Hawthorne's references to Typee's
immediate successors appear four years later in a letter to Evert
Duyckinck on August 29, 1850, the month when the two men first met on
the Monument Mountain excursion. Hawthorne tells Duyckinck that he
has "read Melville's works with a progressive appreciation of
the author. No writer ever put the reality before his reader more
unflinchingly than he does in 'Redburn,' and 'White Jacket.' 'Mardi'
is a rich book, with depths here and there that compel a man to swim
for his life. It is so good that one scarcely pardons the writer for
not having brooded long over it, so as to make it a great deal
better" (which is a kind way of stating the shortcomings of
Mardi) (H Letters,
29 Aug 1850, XVI, 362).
When it came to the big book,
Moby-Dick, Hawthorne did not write a review, but again
commented on it in his letters. To Duyckinck, on December 1, 1851,
just one month after its American publication (It was first published
in England in October under the title The Whale), Hawthorne
writes, "What a book Melville has written! It gives me an idea
of much greater power than his preceding ones. It hardly seemed to me
that the review of it, in the Literary World, did justice to its best
points" (H Letters, 508). [Duyckinck had written the
review in Literary World (IX Nov. 15, 22, 1851; 381-83, 403-4.
Rpt. In Hershel Parker and Harrison Hayford, eds., Moby-Dick
as Doubloon: Essays and Extracts(1851-1870)
(New York: W. W. Norton, 1970), 33-36, 49-52). "Melville was so
offended by Duyckinck's sanctimonious view of 'the intense Captain
Ahab' and the 'bilious,' 'self-torturing' Ishmael that on February
14, 1852, he canceled his subscription . . . and satirized Duyckinck
in Pierre, Book XVII, chapter iii (H Letters, 508-09)].
Jay Leyda speculates that Hawthorne wrote Melville about November 15,
1851, giving his favorable impression of the book and offering to
write a review (Melville Log, p. 434). Melville wrote back a
few days later in a letter partially quoted above (the "pantheistic,"
"flagon of life" letter), admonishing, "Don't write a
word about the book, That would be robbing me of my miserly delight.
I am heartily sorry I ever wrote anything about you-it was paltry.
Lord, when shall we be done growing? As long as we have anything more
to do, we have done nothing. So, now, let us add Moby Dick to our
blessing, and step from that. Leviathan is not the biggest fish;--I
have heard of Krakens" (M
Corresp, [17?] November, 1851, 213). Melville refers to
Hawthorne's letter in correspondence to Sophia Hawthorne of January
8, 1852, saying that it was Hawthorne's letter that "first
revealed to" him "the speciality of many of the particular
subordinate allegories," and "intimated the part-&-
parcel allegoricalness of the whole" (M
Corresp, 219). In the same letter, by the way, Melville
comments on a letter Sophia had written him on December 29, 1851, [a
letter now lost] expressing her excitement over the novel. Melville
writes, "It is true that some men have said they were
pleased with it, but you are the only woman-for as a general
thing, women have small taste for the sea" (2l9). He claims that
her allusion to the "Spirit Spout" chapter "first
showed to me that there was a subtile significance in that thing-but
I did not, in that case, mean it. I had some vague idea while
writing it, that the whole book was susceptible of an allegoric
construction, & also that parts of it were. . ."
The Influence of Hawthorne on
Hawthorne's influence on Melville as
individual as well as writer was significant, far more so than any
influence that in return Melville might have had on his Berkshire
That influence is seen not only in such
letters of Melville's that we have looked at above, but in a number
of Melville's writings, especially Moby-Dick, Pierre,
the long narrative poem Clarel, the story "The
Bell-Tower," most likely the short poem "Monody," and
Billy Budd, Sailor. But first of all, the leviathan,
To begin with, of course, there is the
dedication of the book to Hawthorne, which reads, "To Nathaniel
Hawthorne: In token of my admiration for his genius." We must
remember that the novel was being written at the time when Hawthorne
and Melville were neighbors in the Berkshires and Hawthorne's
influence was so stongly felt by Melville. The facts and suppositions
of the matter of Hawthorne's influence on the book are fascinating.
And they go something like this: [I am in debt to Arlin Turner, NH;
Edwin Haviland Miller, M;
and especially Howard P. Vincent's The
Trying-Out of Moby Dick for details of the compositional
details of Moby-Dick). By the middle of July, 1850, --in other
words, one month before meeting Hawthorne for the first
time-Melville's book, which seemingly was primarily a whaling voyage,
was "in sight of port" (Vincent, 35). Then Melville read
Mosses from an Old Manse, wrote his famous essay on
Hawthorne's book for Literary World, met Hawthorne on the
Monument Mountain excursion, and-with Hawthorne as his "magnet"
(179), as Miller defines the beckoning, moved to the Berkshires in
early fall. Reading and writing the review of Mosses,
afterward reading Twice-Told Tales, and becoming acquainted
with Hawthorne provided "reinforcement," as Arlin Turner
phrases it, "for his own sense of the 'blackness' in human
nature" (217). We don't know just when Melville decided he had
to recast his "whaling voyage," but apparently he began his
revision in November, 1850, after he had bought Arrowhead in
September and spent a month settling in. By December 12 he was hard
at work on the revision. During mid winter, yes some four months
after the "'whaling voyage' was 'mostly done,' Melville was
working on his manuscript from five to six hours a day" (Vincent
41). He described his routine thusly:
Do you want to
know how I pass my time?-I rise at eight-thereabouts--& go to my
barn-say good-morning to the horse, & give him his breakfast. (It
goes to my heart to give him a cold one, but it can't be helped)
Then, pay a visit to my cow-cut up a pumpkin or two for her, &
stand by to see her eat it-for it's a pleasant sight to see a cow
move her jaws-she does it so mildly & with such sanctity.-My own
breakfast over, I go to my work-room & light my fire-then spread
my M.S.S. on the table-take one business squint at it, & fall to
with a will. At 2 ｽ P.M. I hear a preconcerted knock at my
door, which (by request) continues till I rise & go to the door,
which serves to wean me effectively from my writing, however
interested I may be (Vincent, 42).
Since there is no Ur-Moby-Dick
manuscript in existence, we can only guess what the original
narrative was like. And here, again, it is Howard Vincent who hazards
the most convincing guess. The plot was likely that of conflict
between two men, an officer and a common sailor-probably manifest in
the "Town-Ho's Story" chapter about the two crewman
Steelkilt and Radney. Between August 1850 and August 1851 Melville
would have added the major elements of the whale, Ahab, and Ishmael
and turned the plot from an adventure story to "mythos"
(Vincent 46-47). Probably the great whale entered the manuscript in
March or April 1851 because in March Hawthorne gave Melville four
volumes of The Mariner's Chronicle that contains stories of
tragedy at sea, some involving whales. As Vincent says, "The
gift suggests that Melville had discussed his plot problems with his
friend and that Hawthorne had given his old volumes . . . in a
helping spirit" (47). In reviewing the famous sea tragedies in
these volumes, Melville read of the whaleship Essex disaster
that involved the ramming and sinking of a whale ship by huge sperm
whale in the Pacific Ocean. Melville pushed on with his writing all
spring and summer-long during 1851 and at last had a manuscript ready
by September, in time for the English edition of October 18 and the
American edition of 14 November (Vincent 49).
The major occurrence in Melville's
life, then, during the writing of Moby-Dick was the growing
friendship with Nathaniel Hawthorne, "the one writer in America
who had expressed the tragic point of view, which was deeply felt,
but not hitherto declared, by Melville himself. Hawthorne was the
catalyst speeding Melville's accumulated reflections into expression"
(Vincent 50-51. We are reminded that throughout the fall and winter
of 1850, and summer of 1851, Hawthorne and Melville were visiting and
writing to each other. We recall Melville's letter to Hawthorne of
June 29, 1851, when Melville invites Hawthorne to "Come and
spend a day here, if you can and want to . . . . When I am quite free
of my present engagements, I am going to treat myself to a ride and a
visit to you. Have ready a bottle of brandy, because I always feel
like drinking that heroic drink when we talk ontological heroics
together" (M Corresp,
196). And indeed that visit of Melville to the little red farm house
took place on August 1, 1851, Hawthorne encapsulating their
conversation by writing in his journal: "Melville and I had a
talk about time and eternity, things of this world and of the next,
and books, and publishers, and all possible and impossible matters,
that lasted pretty deep into the night . . . (Am
NB, 448). Thus it seems more than clear, especially
considering the dedication of the book, that Hawthorne the older
friend left an indelible imprint on its composition.
The influence of Hawthorne on
Melville's next major novel, Pierre; or, The Ambiguities
(1853) may not be as evident at first thought, but, as Richard
Brodhead has astutely pointed out, this novel "is saturated with
evidence of Melville's close study of The Scarlet Letter and The
House of the Seven Gables" (Hawthorne,
Melville, and the Novel, 175). Brodhead's first
observation is that Melville's use of the mode of the sentimental
romance in Pierre-in itself a vast departure from the pattern
of any of his previous novels-is "strikingly similar to
Hawthorne's use of gothic romance in his major novels. His machinery
of light and dark ladies has the same status as Hawthorne's machinery
of family curses or magical letters. Both authors employ fictional
means that they know at one level are ridiculous and shopworn but
that they see at another level as providing them access to the
treatment of certain sorts of psychic experience" (175).According to Brodhead, "However much Moby-Dick may
have in common with Hawthorne's work, it is in Pierre that
Melville sets himself to the school of Hawthorne's craft" (175).
This "school" includes, in Pierre, Melville's use of
the symbolic furnishing details in a house the same way Hawthorne
employs them in Seven Gables and The Scarlet Letter.
His use of two portraits of Pierre's father "to suggest the
antithetical relation between his socially presented self and his
secret character," is reminiscent of Hawthorne's portraits of
the Pyncheon family (175); and there are many other examples of such
techniques. The most important influence, however, is Hawthorne's
impact on Melville's way of presenting the "interior lives of
his characters. He has mastered Hawthorne's art of psychic close-up"
(176). Brodhead concludes that
creative imitations of Hawthorne in Pierre illustrate a
permanent feature of his genius, the remarkable responsiveness with
which he goes out to another's art, intuitively comprehends its
procedures, and makes them his own. But he has not just mastered a
body of techniques; he has internalized the vision of experience and
the definition of fiction's subject matter implicit in those
techniques. . . . He takes as his scene what Hawthorne calls the
interior of the heart. . . . Hawthorne's study of the mind has
afforded Melville a new possibility for his fiction. (176-77)
Other signs of a direct Hawthornian
influence on Melville's fiction are visible in at least two of the
shorter fictions, the story "The Bell-Tower" and his last
novel, Billy Budd, Sailor (1891). Various interpreters of "The
Bell-Tower," (1855) see direct influences of Hawthorne's works
on this story of the intensively focused artist-builder Bannadonna
and his design and construction of the "noblest Bell-Tower in
Italy" (M Writings,
9, 174). Gerald M. Sweeney, in "Melville's Hawthornian
Bell-Tower: A Fairy Tale Source" (1973) sees among other
influences on the story Hawthorne's use of "Talus, the Man of
Brass," an obstacle encountered by Theseus in "The
Minotaur" episode in Tanglewood Tales. More
significantly, John Vernon, in his article "Melville's 'The
Bell-Tower'" (1970), draws specific connections between
Melville's tale and four of Hawthorne's prominent stories, "The
Artist of the Beautiful," "The Prophetic Pictures,"
"Ethan Brand," and "The Birthmark" -all of which
portray individuals obsessively dedicated to their callings, as is
Bannadonna in the Melville piece.
Hawthornian influence on Billy Budd
has not received major consideration by scholars, but Miller in his
biography of Melville draws some direct parallels between this novel
and Hawthorne's story "The Birthmark." This story is one of
the tales in Mosses from an Old Manse that Melville not only
read just before he and Hawthorne met in 1850, but in which he also
underlined a telling passage. In this case, Miller interprets
Hawthorne's handling of the beauty versus destruction motif of "The
Birthmark" as being continued by Melville in the handsome sailor
versus malevolent Claggart dichotomy in Billy Budd. Miller
concludes that "Melville recognized Hawthorne's identification
with both Georgiana and Aylmer [of "The Birthmark"];
similarly in his last tale he identified with both Billy and
[Captain]Vere" ( M,
367), who must punish Billy for his deed of killing Claggart, despite
Claggart's representation of evil.
It is sometimes forgotten that after
the late 1850's (his last major novel, The Confidence Man was
published in 1857), Melville turned his creativity largely from
fiction to poetry. And he continued to write poetry during the
nineteen years (from 1866 to 1885) that he was a clerk in the New
York Custom House. He may not have been especially adept at poetry
(In fact, Elizabeth Hardwick says in her new biography of Melville
that "Meter and rhyme betrayed Melville in his poems and
crippled the thrilling agility of the leaping adjectives and verbs
that dazzle the poetic prose of Moby-Dick-HM, 152), but
in typical Melvillian fashion he turned it out in abundance. One of
the poems that he wrote either in 1864 or shortly afterwards was
"Monody," which is most certainly an elegy on the death of
Hawthorne (although there is no absolute proof of its subject;
however, Robert Penn Warren points out that the poem was inscribed in
Melville's copy of Our Old Home, Hawthorne's last
book-Selected Poems of Herman
Melville, 438). [Melville may have written it in 1864 when
he heard of, and was crushed by, the death of Hawthorne, (Melville's
wife Elizabeth wrote that Melville was "much shocked at hearing
of Mr. Hawthorne's death," (Miller, M, 307); or, as
Miller points out, he may have waited a year to write the poem when
he was rereading Mosses from an Old Manse.] Whenever the poem
was written, it was not published until 1891 when it appeared in his
collection of poems Timoleon, a name taken in part from
Plutarch's Lives, about an older brother who is killed by a
younger brother because of jealously over their mother's attention-a
parallel to the Melville sibling situation in which the first born
son Gansvoort was favored by mother Maria Gansvoort Melville over the
second son Herman (Miller, M,
355). I'll leave the matter of interpretation to you. The brief poem
To have known him, to have loved him
After loneness long;
And then to be estranged in life,
And neither in the wrong;
And now for death to set his seal-
Ease me, a little ease, my song!
By wintry hills his hermit-mound
The sheeted snow-drifts drape,
And houseless there the snow-bird flits
Beneath the fir-trees' crape:
Glazed now with ice the cloistral vine
That hid the shyest grape
Timoleon (New York:
Caxton Press, 1891, 34)
Whether Hawthorne is the subject of
this short poem-and it seems safe to say that he is-he is almost
certainly one of the characters in Melville's long, ambitious verse
novel Clarel (1876). This narrative poem of four major parts
and some l50 cantos depicts a young theology student wandering
through the Holy Land, first in Jerusalem, then in the Wilderness,
then Mar Saba, and finally Bethlehem. Yes, the journey is reminiscent
of Melville's own wanderings in the Holy Land in the middle 1850's
when he stopped by to see Hawthorne in Liverpool both before and
after his Middle Eastern junket. Of primary importance to the
Hawthorne-Melville connection, Clarel is described by Edwin H.
Miller as "Melville's poetic restatement of the subject matter
of his prose. . . .an unformed youth in search of security in a world
which has no security to offer" (M,
326). The character Clarel is, as Miller points out, the "brother
of Tommo, Taji, Redburn, White-Jacket, Ishmael, and Pierre." As
Clarel wanders around Jerusalem and nears the "Sepulchre of
Kings" in Canto 28, "Tomb and Fountain" of Part I, he
encounters a quiet, middle-aged man whose presence fascinates and
challenges Clarel, both because of his attractiveness and his extreme
reticence (in fact canto 29, in which he names the stranger, is
entitled "The Recluse"). The narrator queries,
But who is he uncovered seen,
Profound in shadow of the tomb
Reclined, with meditative mien
Intent upon the tracery?
A low wind waves his Lydian hair:
A funeral man, yet richly fair-
Fair as the sabled violets be.
The frieze and this secluded one,
Retaining each a separate tone,
Beauty yet harmonized in grace
And contrast to the barren place.
But noting that he was discerned,
Salute the stranger made, then turned
And shy passed forth in obvious state
Of one who would keep separate. (I: lns
The narrator names the newcomer "Vine"
(and yes, we remember that the ending of the poem cited above,
"Monody" ends with the subject described as "the
shyest grape"). Clarel and Vine do not speak. As Miller says,
the silence "is a brilliant touch. For Clarel is seeing the
physical incarnation of his fantasy, and Melville is once more
hymning the magnetic attraction of 'the shyest grape,' Nathaniel
329). "Whether Vine is an accurate portrait of Hawthorne,"
Miller posits, "is essentially beside the point: it is an
accurate portrait of Melville's Hawthorne" (M,
336). In the journey to the Holy Land, Melville "superimposed
upon reality a fantasy of a tour in the company of Nathaniel
Hawthorne," Miller believes. And "[b]ehind the fantasy in
the Holy Land were the experiences which had taken place in the
Berkshires in 1850 and 1851" (M,
The Influence of Melville on
As we have seen, there is an abundance
of biographical and textual evidence of Nathaniel
Hawthorne's influence on the life and
works of Herman Melville. From their meeting in the Berkshires in
1850 to the time of Melville's last publication in 1891 the presence
of Hawthorne was seemingly felt by Melville, often in tangible ways.
The perspective from the other side of the relationship, however, is
quite different. Indeed we find no record of a sustained Melvillian
influence on Hawthorne's life, art, and consciousness that in any way
corresponds with that of the Hawthornian mark left on Melville. The
record on this score is sparse indeed, but there are a couple of very
interesting possibilities-one that has been disproven as an influence
on Hawthorne, and another that, left in seminar form, never
materialized. Are you curious?
The first is Hawthorne's short story,
"Ethan Brand," which was subtitled "A Chapter From an
Abortive Romance." The story appeared first under the title "The
Unpardonable Sin" on January 5, 1850, in the Boston
Weekly Museum (II, 234-35) and again in the Dollar
Magazine in May, 1851, before its inclusion as "Ethan
Brand" in Hawthorne's volume of stories and sketches, The
Snow-Image in 1852. The story of Brand, we recall, is that of the
quest of a monomaniacal seeker for the "unpardonable sin."
He sacrifices everybody and everything that stands in his way to
attain his goal, as he searches far and wide to find that sin. That
sin, of course is "The sin of an intellect that triumphed over
the sense of brotherhood with man, and reverence for God, and
sacrificed everything to its own mighty claims!" (SI,
90). The deleterious effect of Brand's search, of course, is that
"he had lost his hold of the magnetic chain of humanity"
(SI, 99). For years
there was supposition that Brand and his obsessive quest were
patterned on the life and character of Herman Melville. Two noted
early twentieth-century critic/biographers, in fact, formalized this
pattern of thought. In his biography of Hawthorne (1929), Newton
Arvin wrote that "We have reasons to believe that in the figure
of Ethan Brand, Hawthorne made a kind of portrait of his new friend:
certainly the tradition that he did so is by no means hard to accept"
Arvin sees as the immediate catalyst for such a portrait as stemming
from the fact that as Melville labored over the writing of Moby-Dick
at Pittsfield, "he created a symbol of the lonely intellect as
monumental as any of Hawthorne's" (169). Lewis Mumford's similar
view was expressed in his biography of Melville written in the same
year (1929). But he carries the subject further than Arvin, actually
seeing the story "Ethan Brand" as playing a strategic role
in the Hawthorne-Melville relationship. Mumford's thesis is that as
Melville read this story, which Mumford thought was written during
the "prime year" of Hawthorne and Melville's relation ship,
1850, he "discovered what in his heart of hearts Hawthorne felt
about Melville's lofty pride and his extreme spiritual quests"
(Mumford, HM, 145). Mumford even reads Brand's language as a
parody of Ahab's in Moby-Dick and infers that what Hawthorne
says about Brand "he meant to apply . . . possibly by way of
warning, to Melville himself" (145). Mumford sums up by saying
that for Melville discovering what Hawthorne really thought of him
was "one of the tragedies of his life; and it was more than a
minor one" (145) and also that in picturing his friend so,
Hawthorne committed the "unpardonable sin of friendship; he had
failed to understand Melville's development, or to touch by sympathy
and faith that part of Melville that was beyond his external reach"
And so it goes. The problem is, this
assumed influence of Melville on Hawthorne's short story is bogus
because we have come to know since 1929 that Hawthorne's story was
written before his meeting with Melville occurred. Randall Stewart,
E. K. Brown, and Lea Newman all have proven almost beyond doubt that
the story was written as early as December 1848 and that Hawthorne
had had it in mind for many years (witness notebook entries
containing the theme of the story as early as 1835 and 1836). [E. K.
Brown's "Hawthorne, Melville, and 'Ethan Brand'," published
in American Literaturein 1931 is especially telling in unraveling this mistaken
influence.] It is another interesting bit of counter evidence that
Melville wrote Hawthorne on June 1, 1951 after reading "The
Unpardonable Sin" in the Dollar Magazine: "He was a
sad fellow, that Ethan Brand. . . . It is a frightful poetical creed
that the cultivation of the brain eats out the heart. But it's my
prose opinion that in most cases, in those men who have fine
brains and work them well, the heart extends down to hams. . . . I
stand for the heart. To the dogs with the head!" (M
The other literary event that came
closest to being a Melvillian influence on Hawthorne is found in the
"Agatha" story that Melville discovered and sent to
Hawthorne in a letter of 13 August 1852 with encouragement to work it
up, telling Hawthorne that "it has occurred to me that this
thing lies very much in a vein, with which you are peculiarly
familiar. To be plump, I think that in this matter you would make a
better hand at it than I would.-Besides, the thing seems naturally to
gravitate towards you. . . ." (M
Corresp, 234). Perhaps, as Miller has pointed out,
Melville felt it close in theme to Hawthorne's sketch "Wakefield,"
which appeared in Twice-Told Tales, and deals with a man who
leaves his family for some twenty years (M,
The Agatha letter relays a recent
experience that Melville had on Nantucket in which a lawyer
acquaintance from New Bedford and he spent an evening discussing "the
great patience, & endurance, & resignedness of the women of
the island in submitting so uncomplainingly to the long, long
abscences [sic] of their sailor husbands" (M
Corresp, 232). The lawyer gave Melville part of a brief
from a recent "professional experience" and followed up a
few days later with a document about the life of one Agatha Hatch
Robertson, a young woman who married and gave birth to a child, but
then experienced the sudden and unexplained disappearance of her
husband. The husband was gone for seventeen years, then suddenly
reappeared without explanation, stayed briefly, left again, and
finally invited the family to join him in moving to Missouri, which
they declined (understandably!).
In the letter to Hawthorne of August
13, 1852, along with enclosing the outline of the story, Melville
adds, " . . . it seems to me that with your great power in these
things, you can construct a story of remarkable interest out of this
material. . . .(M Corresp,
237). From September 3 to 16, 1852, Hawthorne vacationed on the Isles
of Shoals, southeast of Portsmouth, New Hampshire; there he kept a
journal and possibly had the Agatha story in mind while there. A
little over a month later, on October 25, Melville wrote again to
Hawthorne with some suggestions about how the Agatha story line might
be developed. However, when Hawthorne and Melville next visited in
Concord, Hawthorne seemed disinterested in developing the story and
urged Melville to try it on his own. This turn of events prompted to
Melville to write Hawthorne back in early December 1952, resignedly
stating, that he has "decided to do so, and shall begin it
immediately upon reaching home. . . . Will you therefore enclose the
to me; and if anything of your own has
occurred to you in your random thinking, won't you note it down for
me on the same page with my memorandum?" (M
Corresp, 242). However, if Melville wrote the account of
Agatha, he never published it, and there is no known manuscript of
the story. The significance of all this is, of course, that had the
Agatha story been written by Hawthorne, especially since Melville
sent him ideas for development, it could have come the closest to
showing a specific Melvillian influence on a work by Hawthorne. But
such was not to be the case.
Although it is impossible to tell, of
course, what subtle and unknown influence Melville might have had on
the life and artistry of Nathaniel Hawthorne, there simply appears to
be no traceable direct influence of any significance. For a brief
period while in the Berkshires, they were kindred souls, and for
awhile Hawthorne was excited about his new friendship with Melville,
though the ardor apparently wore thin rather quickly. While there
were some similarities between their works, in the use of symbolism
and allegory and their mutual acknowledgement of the "power of
blackness," for example, there were some major differences
ultimately between their philosophies and outlooks. As Arlin Turner
has pointed out, Hawthorne saw the darker aspects of the human
experience but still maintained "an optimistic, though sober,
outlook." He took a more "pragmatic view" of life.
Melville, however, came close in some of his works "to a
self-annihilating war with the universe and its creator" (NH,
227-28). Both see man as imperfect, "with propensities for evil,
and the victim of forces beyond; both see human beings as aspiring
toward perfection and capable of nobility and heroism" (307-08).
The two writers differed in their views of human kind's position in
the universe, however: Hawthorne accepted that position; Melville
does not, but instead questions that relationship and continually
sought "answers that eluded him" (Turner 308). Further, as
Hawthorne himself observed and wrote in his notebooks, Melville's
later writings "indicated a morbid state of mind" (306).
Thus, when we sum up the
Hawthorne-Melville relationship and attempt to assess influence of
one on the other, it is overwhelmingly clear that the major personal
and literary influence was that of Hawthorne on the younger man,
Melville. And I think that more than anything else, Hawthorne had a
sense of self-containment and artistic direction that transcended the
need for guidance, or specific influence by friends. As Turner
concludes, "Amply supplied through reading and observation with
ideas and materials for embodying them, he had required simply time
for musing, dreaming, and thinking" (215). If Hawthorne could
say "No, in thunder," as Melville observed admirably, it
was totally from inner resolve. Melville, "mariner and mystic,"
as he has been called [by Raymond Weaver in his critical study of
Melville by that title] was the more eclectic, reaching out for
guidance and companionship from his elusive friend.
in Salem, Massachusetts, September 23, 2000 at the Peabody Essex
Selected Sources on
Hawthorne and Melville
Compiled by David B.
University of North Texas
Arvin, Newton. Hawthorne. New
York: Russell & Russell, 1929, 1956.
_____. Herman Melville. New
York: William Sloane Associates, 1950.
Hawthorne, Melville, and the Novel. Chicago and London: U of
Chicago P, 1976.
Brown, E. K. "Hawthorne, Melville,
and 'Ethan Brand'." Notes and Queries 33 (1931): 72-75.
Hardwick, Elizabeth. Herman
Melville. New York: Viking (Penguin Putnam), 2000.
Nathaniel. The American Notebooks. Ed. Claude M. Simpson. The
Centenary Edition of the Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed.
William Charvat, et. al. Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1972, vol. 8.
_____. The English Notebooks.
Eds. Thomas Woodson and Bill Ellis. The Centenary
Edition of the
Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed. William Charvat, et. al.
Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1997, vols. 21,22.
Letters of Nathaniel Hawthorne, 1843-1853. Eds. Thomas Woodson,
L. Neal Smith, and Norman Holmes Pearson. The Centenary Edition of
the Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed., William Charvat, et. al.
Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1985, vol. 16.
Miscellaneous Prose and Verse. Eds. Thomas Woodson, L. Neal
Smith, and Norman Holmes Pearson. The Centenary Edition of the
Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed. William Charvat, et. al.
Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1994, vol. 23.
Snow-Image And Uncollected Tales. Eds. Fredson Bowers, L. Neal
Smith, John Manning, and J. Donald Crowley. The Centenary Edition
of the Works of Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed. William Charvat, et. al.
Columbus: Ohio State UP, 1974, vol. 11.
Herman Melville: A Biography. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U
California P, 1967.
Leyda, Jay. The
Melville Log: A Documentary Life of Herman Melville, 1819-1891.
New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1951. 2 vols.
Stearns. "Melville and Hawthorne in the Berkshires."
Melville & Hawthorne in the Berkshires: A Symposium. Ed.
Howard P. Vincent. Kent, Ohio: Kent State UP 1968, 4-21.
Mellow, James R. Nathaniel Hawthorne
in His Times. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1980.
Clarel: A Poem and Pilgrimage in the Holy Land. Eds. Harrison
Hayford, Alma A. MacDougall, Hershel Parker, and G. Thomas Tanselle.
The Writings of Herman Melville: The Northwestern-Newberry
Edition, ed. Harrison Hayford, et al. Evanston and Chicago:
Northwestern UP and the Newberry Library, 1991, vol. 12.
Correspondence. Ed. Lynn Horth. The Writings of Herman
Melville: The Northwestern-Newberry Edition, ed. Harrison
Hayford, et. al. Evanston and Chicago: Northwestern UP and the
Newberry Library, 1993, vol.14.
Eds. Howard C. Horsford and Lynn Horth. The Writings of Herman
Melville: The Northwestern-Newberry Edition, ed. Harrison
Hayford, et. al. Evanston and Chicago: Northwestern UP and the
Newberry Library, 1989, vol. 15.
Piazza Tales and Other Prose Pieces 1839-1860. Eds. Harrison
Hayford, Alma A. MacDougall, and G. Thomas Tanselle. The Writings
of Herman Melville: The Northwestern-Newberry Edition, ed.
Harrison Hayford, et. al. Evanston and Chicago: Northwestern UP and
the Newberry Library, 1987, vol 9.
_____. Timoleon. Upper Saddle
River, N. J.: Literature House/Gregg P, 1970.
Miller, Edwin Haviland. Melville.
New York: George Braziller, 1975.
_____. Salem Is
My Dwelling Place: A Life of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Iowa City: U
Iowa P, 1991.
Robert E. "Melville's 'The Bell-Tower' and Benvenuto Cellini."
American Literature 44 (Nov. 1962): 459-62.
Mumford, Lewis M. Herman Melville.
New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1929.
Newman, Lea B. V.
A Reader's Guide to the Short Stories of Nathaniel Hawthorne.
Boston: G. K. Hall, 1979.
Herman Melville: A Biography. Baltimore and London: Johns
Hopkins UP, 1996, vol.1.
Bamford. "Poe, Hawthorne, Melville: An Essay in Sociological
Criticism." Partisan Review, 16 (Feb. 1949): 157-65.
Sealts, Merton M., Jr. Pursuing
Melville 1940-1980. Madison: U of Wisconsin P, 1982.
Stewart, Randall. "Melville and
Hawthorne." South Atlantic Quarterly, 41 (July 1952):
_____. Nathaniel Hawthorne: A
Biography. New Haven: Yale UP: 1948.
Sweeney, Gerard M.
"Melville's Hawthornian Bell-Tower: A Fairy-Tale Source."
American Literature, 45 (May 1973): 279-85.
Turner, Arlin. Nathaniel Hawthorne:
A Biography. New York and Oxford: Oxford UP, 1980.
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